Tuesday, June 1, 2010

Hazrat Imam Hasan al-Basri (r): A Brief Introduction to his Doctrine of choice:

Dr. Md. Bodiur Rahman

A. A BRIEF IDEA OF THE PROBLEM OF THE FREEDOM OF CHOICE

The religion of Islam teaches man to believe in the unity of ‘Allah who is Omnipotent and merciful, but also stated to be perfectly good and just. He commands people of this earth for the attainment of good, prohibits from performing the evil and promises to give reward for obedience to His command and threatens to punish for disobedience. In the system of Islamic ethics, these promise and threat for reward and punishment entails the accountability of human action in this earthly life. The accountability of human actions emphasized again and again in the Qur’an implies that human being is free to choose between obedience and disobedience while performing an action.

But the problem crops up when the responsibility of men for their own actions is considered inadmissible by a section of people who takes omnipotence to mean that ‘Allah is the sole Active Agent in te Universe. The problems takes a more difficult turn when some other verses in the Holy Writ are understood to mean that ‘Allah as the sole Active Agent in the Universe leads to gross misunderstanding of the intends to Holy Qur’an in introducing him as the Qadir (omnipotent) and by implication to searching out imaginary contradiction in the Qur’an and ‘Ahadith’.

But they one who approaches the Qur’an with open mind and rational attitude and considered the situations and circumstances which its verses were revealed, will agree that this so-called contradictory position of believing or disbelieving by oneself or made to be believe or dishbelieve by ‘Allah does not apply there as the Qur’an contains so many clear and weighty verses expressing the truth that very individual will have to account on the day of judgment for action which he is responsible.

According to most scholars who discussed the Qur’anic and the prophetic religious thought, the theme of the verses are revealed in al-Madina was either the unity of ‘Allah or the Final judgment of all mankind. But it is conceded by all that the chief topic of the meccan revelation was the general resurrection with its attendant judgment.1 Why is this judgment actions in the day of resurrection so much emphasized in the book and the sunnah if the meaningful purpose of life as expressed in the Qur’an is not realizable by means of deliberation and choice?

The prophet observed that his countrymen were spending their time in a narrow round of hopes and fears, ambitions and desires with closed minds to any other view of life or goal of action. They were totally indifferent to any future except that which this mundane earth and its transient pleasers offered. These people in reply to the message of hopes and aspirations for both this and the future life said, “ There is no life beyond our present life. We die and we live; and we shall not be quickened again”.2 It has its prallel in other places in the Qur’an’. “ It is He who hath caused you to be born on the earth; into Him shall yet be gathered………….But they (Pagan Arab) say, as said those of lod; they say, what! When we shall be dead and have become dust and bones, shall we, indeed be waked to life? This have we been promised, we and our fathers afore-time; but it is only fables of the acncients”.3 “These people”, says ‘Allah in other place of the Qur’an, “Love the fleeting present and leave behind them the heavy day of doom”.

Such attitude of the pre-Islamic Arabs implies the idea that their religious thought became crystallized of fossilized in a few beliefs and practices with a view to attaining certain ends in this life. But this thought also admitted a final termination ot all human hopes, expectations or fears and they never dreamt of a future life. People saw life as a round of well-known, inescapable and unpredictable chain of events, leading from the cable to the grave. In this way these people directed all there energies towards success in this life as their fathers had defined success and sought it. The pre Islamic poets choose two terms, Qada and Qadar mostly to expressed this attitude of life which was assumed to be utterly “fatalistic” and confined mostly in the context of this world. Such gross “fatalism” expressed through Qada. Qadar and some other terms made those people totally pressimist and hopeless about any opening of life or the future happier or blessed life.

But in the Qur’an it is observed that this short of hoplessness about life after death or the fatalistic notion of life is disproved in various ways. The term Qada in the Qur’an has been given a new significance and meaning equivalent to “decree” or judgment (or “Ordinance”). But the term Qadar that was taken in pre-Islamic days vitally to express “fatalism” has been given quite a new meaning and significance in order to make those people feel free form the riddle of fatalism and those to awaken in them new aspirations of life. Ascribing predestination with reference to this term Qadar is denied in the Qur’an and in its palce a new light was shown through the idea of individual endeavor depending upon the “potency” (qudrah) 5 and choice endowed by Allah to man for the attainment of his own salvation or destruction on the Day of Judgment.

This highlights the purpose of Allah’s creation. The Qur’an expresses that “We have not created the heaven and the earth and what is between them for sport. Had it been our wish to find a pastime, we would have surely found it in ourselves, if to do so had been our will” 6. In another palce in the Quran it is said “we have not created the Heavens and the Earth and whatever is between them in sport. We have created them for serious end, although most of them do not understand it. Verily the day of serving shall be the appointed time of all”. In order to relaize this end, man has been admonished and shown their obligation when Allah says in the Quran, “set thou thy face, then has a Hanif (Sincere Devotee), towards the faith `Allah has made, and for which He has made man8”…… “Verily we have made all that is on earth as its adornment that we might make a trial as to who among mankind would excel in works9”. Allah assures man reward for trial like this if he comes out successful awards punishment in case of failure. So he say, “In all truth Allah has created the Heavens and the Earth that He may reward everyone as he shall have wrought: and they shall not be wronged”10.

In all these verses as in hundreds of others which we would quote in course of our discussion (In the second chapter), the life’s riddle finds a solution through this solemn conviction that this world and human beings have been created for a just and worthy end and the whole nature too is directed towards that goal. But the meaningful and worthy end of the creation of `Allah was the revealation of Allah’s will concerning man; it especially lies in the method of Allah’s testing of man in this transient life in view of his destiny in an ever lasting one. The life of this world may be compared as play and pass time with that of the next world; but it is also real and has its solemn and sobering climax, when human actions here and now would bear their proper fruit. Because here in this world human hearts and choices are tried and Wight against a future of eternal blessedness or endless damnetion, where happienes or perdition is a consequent of mans belief or unbelief in `Allah and dependent upon his obedience or dishobedient to his command.

The above significant purpose of life which awakens wonderful aspirations for open future and saves man from the pitfall and riddle of life, entails the truth that he will not have to remain confined within the narrow and dark span of mundane life, but before him, there is a straight path and vast field of activity which he himself will have to select and pursue and be rewarded or demand forever. It signifies the clear idea or “Choice” which an individual will have to make between belief and unbelief, between good or evil actions and be treated accordingly by `Allah on the Day of Judgment. He awakens and strengthens this consciousness further when he says, “Shall we treat those who propagate evil on earth? Shall we treat the `Allah- fearing like the impious”? Man is further urged to understand that, “No burdened soul shall bear the burdens of another and that nothing shall be reckoned to  a a man but for which he hath made efforts and that his efforts shall at least be seen, that then he shall be recompensed with a most recompense”12. “ He who doth right, it is for himself and he doth evil, it is for himself and thy lord will not deal unfairly with his servants13 . The most clear verse describing ‘choice’ or ‘Ikhtiyar’ of man among hundreds which we have quoted and explained in course of our discussion (in ch.II ) is 42:19, who so will choose the harvest field of the life to come, to him shall we give increase in this his harvest field. But whose chooses the harvest of this life, thereof shall we give him; but no portion will therebe for him in the life to come14, The two high ways of good and evil or in other words the obedience or disobedience to `Allah by man’s owns choice is also plainly shown so that man may choose and follow either, what: have we not made (for) him eyes and tongue and lips and guided him to the high ways”?

The fundamental Qur’anic assumption leaves no doubt to the idea that man has been set free to choose between those ways or choose Actions as he likes and performs it on the basis of his potency bestowed on him by Allah. This idea of ‘Ikhtiyar or the freedom of choice, has been choice elaborately (in Chapter two) along the help of direct and indirect verses in the positive as well as negative sense. Supposition this position, one of the modern orientalists has observed in an essay that `Allah…… “has granted man Freedom of Choice and action wherein he may go his own way16…….M.S. Seale has also unequivocally argued this position of the Qur’an17.

As a matter of fact, the western orientalists have began to see the difference and started to lay overwhelming weight to this idea though the old guard and the conservatives amongst them still insist on interpreting verses without proper context.

As in the Quran, so also in the mind of the Holy Prophet the idea of ‘Ikhtiyar’ or Choice is distinctive feature of the teaching of Islam. In many Ahadith the prophet has expressly said it. In his day to day practice, that is in the sunnah of the Prophet, its pattern and prove exists. The prophet idea of choice is discernible also in his repeated arguing upon the people to conduct their life in such manner as he may be rewarded happily in the hereafter. Such the ‘conduct’ implies character, which in term implies responsibility. This point in the Sunnah of the prophet would be discussed while explaining the concept of freedom of choice in the Hadith (in Chapter three).
           
But this unique position was been blackened and ‘predestination’ was being attested to Qadar by amir Mu’awiya18 and with few exceptions all his successors with a view to white washing the evil activities committed for graving powers and realizing there selfish ends. Predestination was being preached by the Umayyad rulers and their followers on the ploy that whatever happens in case of a man, that happens very much as it is irrevocably ‘predestined’ by Allah.

Upholding the idea of predestination in the manner stated above leads a wedge of contradiction to a thinking mind to the effect that if ‘predestination’ as upheld by the Umyyad rulers, is true, “the idea of freedom of choice” is falls. Similarly if “freedom of choice” is trough as upheld by the Quran and Sunnah ‘predestination’ must be false. But these two concepts can not co-exist in the same scripture and in the Sunnah of the Prophet as “A” (Ikhtiyar) The opposite of  “B” (predestination) denies “B” and vice versa . This means, if “B” is taken to be true, “A”, the infallible Quaranic truth as explained above is proved false.

The dangerous implication of such a predicament was first realised by al-Hasan al-Basri, the renowned scholar and Tabi’I, who which the Day of Judgment and the accountability of man is intimately connected. He was well aware about the omnipotence (Qudra) of Allah and the threat posed by the Umayyads concept of predestination as it is evident from his writing a letter to al-Hasan and with al-Hasan b. Ali’s reply in hand, al-Hasan al-Basri hastened to preach the Quranic idea of Qadar and Ikhtiyar. He opposed predestination and proved it to be wrongly attributed to Quran and Sunnah. No sooner he did so than he was denounced by his adversaries and they reffered it to Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik whereupon the caliph wrote a letter to al-Hasan requesting him to explain the “unheard of” idea that he had been expressing. Al-Hasan gave a detailed exposition of his idea of the Fredom of choice in a lengthy reply which latterly came to be known as the “Risala” of al-Hasan 19. This is the text which his conception of Qadar and Ikhtiyar was elaborated. (It would be discussed in chapter fourth, fifth and sixth).

So far as it is known, the Risala in question is the earliest document dealing systematically with the question of human responsibility of action with the reputation of predestination. His concept of Ikhtiyar of man besides being a projection of Islamic religious apprehension on the domain of philosophy, also seems to be the first serious logical attempt to reconcile the concept of the omnipotence of Allah of the responsibility of actions of man. He upheld the meaning of Qadar as the potency of Allah. He said that man has been given Qudra, potency to work according to his own “choice” which has been set “free”. The freedom of choice has been expressed with the help of the word Takhliya 20. With reference to about ninety-two verses of the Quran, he explained the concept of the freedom of choice of man and proved with superb logical argumentation, “ The nullity of predestination” which reversely also upholds its idea of Ikhtiyar. As a man of the first century Hijri, he did so without being influenced by any foreign element because infiltration of foreign ideas in the thought construct of the Muslim scholar did not take root.

Al-Hasan’s doctrine of ‘Ikhtiyar’ calims specility when he says in the risala tht man is responsinle for his actions only to the extent that he “earns’ or “acquires” (Kasba). Whatever good an individual earns is for him and whatever evil he earns in false in his account and he will be liable for it. Al-Hasans assertion of the idea of ‘earning’ or ‘acquisition’ (Kasab) makes him again the ‘initiator’ of the doctrine of Kasb which later on was develop by Dirar ibn `Amr al-Gatfani and the Asharite philosophers which constitutes the subject matter of our eight chapter.

B. BRIEF LIFE SKETCH OF AL-HASAN AL-BASRI


In order to appreciate the unique position of al-Hasan al-Basri as the introducer of the Islamic doctrinal knowledge into the domain of philosophy so as to make the religious concept of the freedom of choice logically under stable to the philosophers and intellectuals of his time, a clear grasp of his life and the socio-political and the intellectual circumstances attending it, is necessary where-for a brief sketch of al-Hasan al-Basri’s life is given below:

(1)  Early life in al-Madina

 Abu sa’ad al-Hasan ibn ‘Abi’l Hasan yasar al-Basri, populary known as al-Hasan al-Basri, was born in the household of the prophet(s) in al-Madina in H. 21/64221. He was named Hasan by the Caliph ‘Umar b. al-Khattab while brought to him after birth for a name by Umm Salma the celebrated wife of the Holy Prophet22. His father was a native of Maisan in al-Basra. Yasar was brought to al-Madina in 14/635. (His father, a mawla, gained freedom and became attached to Zaid b. Thabit (d.45) as a helper). His mother khaira was engaged in assisting in the household duties of Umm Salma. He was most probably brought up in wadi’l-Qura near al-Madina.


While a child, al-Hasan was very attaractive and dear to every one of the Ahl-Bayt. Al-Hasan b.`Ali (d.49) was his friend. Hadrat Ali taught him first the art of reading. From his very childhood, he received education in the mosque of the prophet(s) in al-Madina. He learnt the Quran by heart and gain special knowledge it later on. He also mastered over the art of writing in his youth in al-Madina and consequently learn pure Arabic. He and his mother later on could eloquently speak in pure Arabic before the public. His mother Khira heard hadith from Umm salma and ‘A’isha (d.58/678) and narrated to her sons, viz., al-Hasan and sa’id, and others. Thus the environs of the Ahl-Bayt exerted great influence on al-Hasan 25.

Al-Hasan received Hadith from numerous distinguished Companions of the prophet (s). He met as many as seventy of those compassions from them. Al-Hasan became so well versed in the Holy Quran on which I have not pondered over and have not found out the aim, circumstances and significant of that verse 26. This articulated divine knowledge made him the fore-most component of ‘ilmu’l-kalam.

Among the companions of the prophet  (s), Anas bin Malik taught him Hadith. He admired al-Hasan’s sense of piety and depth of knowledge 27 in Apostolic Tradition. Another famous Companion with whom he came in contract and had been influenced was ‘Imran b. Husayn al-Khuzi28(d.52)

As far as it is known, al-Hasan having completed his education in al-Madina, went to al-Basra in 37/657. In the war between Caliph ‘Ali and Amir Mu ‘awiya al-Hasan took part in expedtion which was carried in the East. Most probably this war was conducted in the eastern sector of Iran.

(2)    Socio-political and intellectual environment of al-Basra in the first and early second century Hijri.

 For a proper understanding of his activities in al-Basra, a few words about the socio-political and the intellectual and the intellectual environment that prevailed there at that time is necessary.

After having camped in 14/635, on the ruins of the old Persian post called by the Arabs al –Khushyba, the companion of the prophet Utba b. Ghazwan chose this location in 17/638 to establish the military camp which was basis of the town al-Basra29 .

At the thresold of its existence, al-Basra provided contingent for the Arab Armies of conquest of the Basrans participated in the war of Nihawand in 21/642. They also took part in the conquest of Istakhar, Fars, Khurasan and sidjistan in 30 H. as al-Basra under the Muslims was a military city along with far-flung conquests. The booty began to flow in and its inhabitants became conscious of their importance. Then the pace of events accelerated that turned it into the first battleground of the Muslims against the Muslims in the battle of Camel in 36/656. Before the fighiting of Basrans were divided in their lawalities and the victory of Ali served to increase the disorders. But on the whole, the population remained more inclind towards Sunni orthodoxy in contrast ot the people of Kufa who sided towards Alids and later on came to be known as shi’i. In side of Hadrat ‘Ali. Al-Hasan came to al-Basra at this stage. In 41/662 Mu’awiya reasserted his authority over the town and sent Ziyad there in 45/665 who may be considered as the chief architect of the prosperity of al-Basra.

Al-Basra was politically divided into five trible areas such as (a) Afil-al-Alya (b) Tamim, (c) Bakr-b. Wa’il, (d) Abd al –Qays al-Basra snd others were observed in the rank of mawali or indigenous population. The local situation agrabated under the rule of the governor ‘Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad. At this death in 64/683 serious disturbance brokeout. Abdullah ibn Zubair later on seized power and kept al-Basra under his control till 72/691. In the succeeding years the primary concern of the Umayyads was to suppress the up risings. The most important of them was the uprising of Ibn Ash’ath in 81/701. A peaceful condition prevailed until the death of Hajjaj in 95/714. Al-Hasan did not participate in this uprising. Another great revolt that took place in 101-2/719-20 was that of the Muhallabids,. The town became a provincial one in the hands of the Abbasids. The antiquities of al-Basra hardly outlived the later revolts anarchy and attacks accepts the buildings of Masjid ‘Ali (r) and the tombs of talha, al-Zubayr, Ibn sirin and the sage al-Hasan al-Basri.                                     

Basra, in fact, is the vertiable crucible in which Islamic culture assumed its form, crystallized in the classical world between the 1st and the 4th century Hijri, form 16/637 to 311/92332. It was in al-Basra that Arabic Grammar took its origin and made illustrious by Sibawayh and al-Khalil b. Ahmad in particular. Hero in al-Basra it was those scholars such as Abu Amr b. Ala, Abu Ubayd al-Asmai and Abul Hasan al-Madiani who collected verses and historical document which nature the works of the later writers.in the field of poetry, al-Basra can claim the great Umayyad poets and the modernist Bashshar b. Burd and Abu Nunad and it was that town where Arabic prose was born with ibn Mukaffa, Sahl b. Harun and later on al-Jahiz.

The latterly conspicuous religious, philosophical and intellectual grandeur on Basran Society is generally traced back to al-Hasan. When he went to al-Basra in 37/657about the age of nearly 15 years. It had little or no philosophical or intellectual standing, al-Hasan spent 71 years in al-Basra and all movements whether religious or intellectual that flourished there in aked by him.

As to the intellectual development it is observed from early records that the Umayyads beginning from Hazrat Mu’awiya (r), the renowned companion of the prophet (sm) claimed their caliphate by dint of Qadar, (predestination). Even heinous activities and evil deeds were ascribed to Qadar. Some of the instances are as follows: -

(a) One day Ma’bad al-Juhani along with `Ata b. Yasar went to al-Hasan al-Basari and said; “O `Abu Sa’id, these princes shed the blood of the Muslims and seize their goods; they do (various things) and say: Our acts occur only according to Allah’s Qadar. Al-Hasan replied, “The enemies of Alla’h lie33.

(b) That Mu’awiyah (r) used Qadar in the sense of ‘predestination’ is evident from a letter which he wrote to Hadrat `A’isha Siddisqa, the celebrated wife of the prophet (sm). There he said that, “The matter choice in what concerns them” 33(a).

(c) This is substanieated by the staement of Ignaz Goldziher who says in his Muhammedaniche Studien:  “ The Caliph Yazid b.’Abd al-Malik contemptously calls the pious Hasan al-Basri a Shykh Jahil, a doddering old man whom he would like to kill because pietistical opposition is repellant and inconvenient to him.  This Hasan said that the Governer Mughira…inspired the hereditary cliphate of the Umayyad’s during Mu’awiyah’s life to his son Yazid34.

(d) Some of the well wishers of the Umayyad’s said that, “ Allah garlanded you to Khilafa and guidance; for what ‘Allah decrees (qada’), there is no change35.

All these early reports lead us to idea that side by side with other scocio economic and intellectual developments, the Umayyads from the beginning of siezing powers, tried to convince the people that their caliphate is by the Qadar of Allah. This is the substantiated when we find that al-Hasan before the death of al-Hasan b. Ali wrote to him get clear conception of Qadar which in the name of ‘predestination’ was being misinterpreted by Umayyads in various ways.

(3)    Al-Hasan’s life in al-Basra

Against this socio-political and intellectual background al-Hasan started his life in al-Basra. We have already mentioned that al-Hasan came to al-Basra in 37/657. Shaeder says that he went to al-Basra at the time of Siffin war. For the first time in his life he took part in an expedition in the eastern sector of Iran.

In 43/ 663 al-Hasan went to Hirat of Afghanistan with a view to preaching Islam and stayed there for three years (till 45/665). He is reported to have acted as secretary to the Governor Rabbi bin Ziyad al-Harith al-Shayba of Khurashan. There he probably discharged the function of a collector of taxes (Zijia) also36. He stayed long for ten years. Prof. watt thinks that al-Hasan might have been acquinted with pahlabi scriots during this period. But hardly any foreign culture could have influenced him, as he was the master of the Quran and Hadith studies.

He came to al-Basra shortly before the death of Mu’awiya in 61/680 since he is said to have opposed and protested the oath of allegiance to Yazid as heir apparent in the name of Qadar. He does not apppear to have played any role in the fighting or in the political debates which followed on the death of Yazid b. Mu’awiya in 65/684.

Al-Hajjaj became Governor of Iraq in 75/694. He is said to have maintain a good relations with al-Hasan during the former’s residence in al-Basra. Al-Hasan particularly helped in the taks of improving the diacritical marks of the Quranic text, which was initiated by al-Hajjaj. The friendly relations between Hajjaj and Hasan came to a tragic end in 86/705 over the issue of founding a new town in wasit located in the middle of al-Kufa and al-Basra. Al-Hasan did not like the idea of new town38. For his own safety went into hiding until the death of al-Hajjaj in 95/714. It is said that the Governer Hajjaj requested al-Hasan to see him at his deathbed; but al-Hasan refused to comply with his request.


Al-Hasan as a man of outstanding personality maintained balance in the course of this activity. Although he was not in good terms with al-Hajjaj and did not like the activities of the Umayyads, even then he did not take part in the rising of Ibn ‘Ash’ath in 82/701-4. In this period al-Hasan not merely remained loyal to the authority but he urged his friends not to join the uprising. He explained to them that the violent action of tyrants were a punishment sent by Allah which could not be opposed by the sword but must be endured patiently. But he also said that the sinners are fully responsible for their actions and cannot exculpate themselves by saying that Allah created all actions.

The period from 65/684 to 86/705 was undoubtedly most important in his career. The chief proponents of the religious movement of al-Basra such as Mutarrif b. Abdullah al-Basri (d.95) used to visit al-Hasan frequently. Most probably at this time his thought became fully explicit. The years from 86/705 to 95/714 may have led to further maturity. After 95/714 on the assumption of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-Aziz to caliphate. When Umar died early in 101/720 and was succeeded by Yazid II, al-Hasan supported the Umayyad Governor in his dealing with the Muhallabids39.



It was this exceptional personality and courage of al-Hasan that he publicity criticized yazid ibn al-Muhallab after he had gained control of al-Basra and was calling men to fight against the Umayyads. Al-Hasan urged his fellow-citicizens to defy this appeal. In spite of the open hospitality, the Muhallabids took no suppresive action against al-Hasan, most probably because of the fact that he was so widely respected in al-Basra. He was publicly honored after the quelling of the Muhallabid rising later in 101/720.

The boldness of al-Hasan is amply demonstrated when the newly appointed Governor of al-Basra ibn Hubayra sought advice for the purpose of winning over the people to be Umayyad side. Al-Hasan warned him to fear Allah more than the caliph, since the caliph could not protect him against Allah, while Allah can protect him against the Caliph. Even then al-Hasan was profusely rewarded by the Governor for his piety and boldness.

Ibn Khaliqan noted that al-Hasan died at the age of 86 on the 1st Rajab, 110 H. /October A.C. 728. He quoted Hamid al-Tawil thus:-

Al-Hasan died on Thursday evening; the next morning Friday, having finished the requisite ceremonies with the corpse, we bore it off, after the Friday prayer, and we buried it. All the people followed the buyer and were so taken up with it that no afternoon prayer was said that day in the mosque, for none remained to pray; this, I believe was till then unexampled in Islam40.

The deepest feeling as exhibited after his death is due to the fact that he surpassed all in piety and meditation41. Saifuddin Kharaji in his book Khulasa Tahzib fi’l kamal fi asma’ Rijal, said that al-Hasan was the best Zahid, the most pious man, and the rarest scholar of this time42. Leaving aside all other qualities of al-Hasan. If we consider him as a scholar, we can safely say that in his time he was the greatest scholar although many others excelled in different branches of knowledge in the Umayyad period.

Al-Hasan al-Basri was highly esteemed as a transmitter of tradition, since he was believed to have known personally seventy of those who took part in the battle of Badr. Most of the religious movements within Islam trace their origin back to al-Hasan. The Sufis felt throughout the ages the lasting influence of his ascetic piety. The orthodox Sunnis never tire of quoting his devout sayings and even the Mutazilites reckon him as one of themselves43. Al-Hasan was the grand master of such famous proponents of this school as wasil b Ata and Amr b. Ubayd. It has been remarked about philosophical origin of the doctrine of choice that wasil was a pupil of al-Hasan al-Basri who inclined for a time to the doctrin of free will which doctrine became another cardinal point in Mu’tazilite belief. The doctrine of free will was at the time held by a group called Qadarites (from qadar power) as opposed to the Jabarites. The Qadarites were the earliest school of philosophy in Islam and how widely spread their ideas may be inferred from the fact that the two of the Umayyad Caliphs Mu’awiya II and Yazid III were qadarites 44. As a matter of fact, the doctrine of Qadar was first pronounced by al-Hasan al-Basri and remained in Vogue till the end of the third century Hijri.

Besides all that said above, the depth of al-Hasan’s scholarship may be guessed from a list of his works45.

(4)    Works of al-Hasan

(a)    Tafsir al Quran, see Al-Fihrist, ‘Ibn Nadim, fuck p. 54.  ‘Ibn Nadim noted the works of al-Hasan in his Firhrist including the Risala under our consideration which was sa id to have been referred to this Risala in his work Kutubut Tafsir  a fihrist, Besides this, `Ibn Nadim noted about two other books of al-Hasan
     (I )Nujul al Quran and (ii) Kitab al-Adab fi’l Qur’an.

(b)     Al-Qira’ah:- The name of this book work is mentioned by Ahmad Ibn Muhammad (d….1117/1705) in his book Ithafu Fazala al-Bashar and this has been quoted by brocklemen in his Gescihchte (vol-2, page 327). The similar work has also been noticed by Bergstrasser in Islamica, vol-2, 1926, pp.11-57.


(c)    Risalatun fi’l Qadar: This Risala is our main text about al-Hasan’s  Philosophy of the Freedom of Choice and the doctrine of Qadar. We have considered the Risala in three chapters in detail (Supra pp.175-290).It was witten in reply to a letter of Caliph Abdul Malik. ‘Ibn Badim noticed it in his Fihrist in p. 54. The manuscript is available in Aya Sfiya Ms. No. 3998/2 (page no. 13, 882 H.). It may be seen also in the Fihrist Mahad al-Makhtutat al-Arabia, (2/126-471). The MS is available in Koprulu, 1589/39, WZkM 27/70, and Salim Aga, 4/584, p.51-57. We have already mentioned that this Risala has been edited by H. Ritter and published in Der Islam, Vol-21, 1933, pp. 67-83.

(d)      Fada’ili Makka: It is known that al-Hasan wrote this book for his friend  ‘ Abdur Rahkman Ibn ‘Anas. Reference I savailable in al Tabari, Vol-1, page-1096. The name of the book sometimes, is also known as Risalatun fi Fasli Muzawara fi’l Atiq. This book is available in Leiden, 940, p.31, H. 1009. This work seems to have been popular and is available in the collection of as many as 28 Libraries of different countries of the world including Bengal. Regfernces of Libraries available in Fu’ad Sasgin’s Tarikh al-Turath al-Arabi46. (Vol-1, part-IV on Aqa’id and Tasawwuf) also exhibits that in the early days of Islam this book was copied and was brought to different places. The translation of this book by Mustafa Hamid is found in the Turkish language and was published in H. 1280. Saber Turkish language it was translated into Bengali and the MS in Begnali is preserved in Asiatic Society of Bengal 2/254; it was mentioned by Brookleman later and was also corrected by him 46(a).

(e)    Farid aw’Arbaun Wa Khamsuna Farida: As far as it is known from Sasgin’s Tarkish al-Turath al-Arabi this work of al-Hasan is also available in as many as 12 Libraries of different palces of the world. Some of these are: (I) Lalalih, 1703. (see MS 7/79); (ii) Istanbul University Library, 3738/1, pp.1-10, H.1100; (iii) Paris 780/1, pp.1-15, H.1520; (iv) Muhammad Bukhari, 202/2, Chapters 12-24, H. 1300.
(f)      Risalatun fi’l Takalif: It is available in the Alexandreia Municiapal Library, 3658/Vol-9, p.14, 1160 H. See Fihrist Mahad al-Makhtutat al-‘Arabiyya 1/126.
(g)    Shurut al-Imama: It is still in the form of menuscript and is available in Taimur, Collection, 177/8, p.117-120, 969 H.
(h)    Wasiyatun aw Wasiyatun Nabi li Abi Hurayra: The subject matter of this book is Sufism. It is available in Aser Afindi, 455/2, p.17. Hijri 1168; Rashid, 129/2, Chapters 10-37, H.1100.
(i)      Al-Istigfarat al-Munqizah min al-Nar: This book has been collected by some unkown writer in the 7th or 8th century Hijri. It is available in (I) Qased Jee Za’da, 721/2 chapter14-21, 1206 45/1, pp.1-7, Hijri 1200 H. The book is also found in Bur’sah ‘Ulu Jami; 1588/3, pp. 177-209.

(j)      Al-Asma ‘al ‘Idrisiyyah: Its content is on Sufism. The book is available in Alexandria Municipal Library, 3909. Vol-2, p.6, H. 1000. The reference of this book is available in the Fihrist Ma’had al-Maktutat al- ‘Arabiya 1/144.

(k)    Risala: (in the form of letters) is still another work of al-Hasan which was written to ‘Umar b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. Here al-Hasan advised the Caliph to keep aloof from the pomp and grandeur of life.  The reference of this work is to be found in ‘Abu Nu’im’s  Hulya al-Awliya. (2/134-140 and Ritter ed. Islam, 21’ 21 ff). The summary of this Risala is available in Majid al-din ibn al-Athir’s book Mukhtar fi- Manaqib al-Abrar. Some protion of the is Risala is taken by al-Ghazzali in his ‘Ihya Ulum al-Din, printed in Cairo. P.49.

(l)      The lectures of al-Hasan: The famous lectures are quoted by numerous authors. These lectures are collected by al-Jahiz and was arranged in his book al-Bayan wa’l Tabyin, 3/132-137. Ibn Qutayba took some portion of the lectures in his book Uyun al-Akhbar, 2/344. Ibn Abi Hadid mentioned some of his lectures in Sharah Nahjul Balagh, 1/469.

(m)  Al-Ahadith al –Mutafarriqa: In this book, the traditions were collected by an unknown writer after the death of al-Hasan. The book is available in ‘Aya Soiya p. 25, 1100 H.

(n)    Al-Hasan narrated some more traditions (Hadith) which are translated in Turkish language. It is available in ‘Athar-I-Hasan. The Shara was written by Takritli Zadeh Ha-Hasani published it in Karkuk, 1329-1331.

All these work definitely lead us to the idea that he was the greatest scholar in those early of Islam.


(5)  Works on al-Hasan

(a)    Fada’il al-Hasan al-Basri: Adabuhu, Hikmatuhu, Nash ‘athuhu, Hayatuhu, Balgatuhu. till the 3end., This was written by ‘Abul Faraj ‘Abdur Rahman ‘Ibn Jauzi (d. 597/1200), Aya Sofiya, 1642. Printed in Cairo in 1350 Hijri.
(b)    Akhbar al-Hasan al-Basri: It was written by ‘Abdul Ghani ‘Abdul Wahid al-Maqdasi (d.600/1203).
(c)    Al-Zahiriya: Collection No.55 (165-170) in handwriting. Some sader Baha Baha wrote about al-Hasan but the book is incomplete as H.H. Shaeder under the title “al-Hasan al-Basri” published it. Der Islam, Vol-14, 1925. PP. 42-75.
(d)    Al-Hasan al-Basri: Written by Ihsan ‘Abbas, Cairo, 1952.
(e)    Maqam al-Hasan al-Basri ‘Inda’l Muluk: This book is on the narration of the position of al-Hasan in the esteem of the Caliphs. A Chapter of this book is quoted in the book Makarem al-Akhlaq. Written by an unknown Bengali writer in Arabic (No. 1062).
(f)      Studien Zur Geschichte der Islamischen Frommiqkeit: Al-Hasan al-Basri: Der Islam, Vol-21, 1933 pp.1-83. In this article Helmut Ritter wrote something of the sect history of different sects and al-Hasan’s doctrine of Qadar and edited the text, “Risala” on Qadar and Freedom of Choice.
(g)    Political Theology in Early Islam: Al-Hasan al-Basri’s treatise of Qadar; Julian Obermann wrote something about al-Hasan’s doctrine of Qadar and Ikhtiyar in the Jaos. Off print series no. 6, Philadelphia, U.S.A.
(h)    “Al-Hasan al-Basri” an aritcle which was written by Dr. Shawqi Daif and was included in a book, Tarqish al-Adab al-Arabi (Al-Asr al-Islami) Dar al-Marif, Cairo, 1119 Hijri.

C: THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE PROBLEM IN THE FORMATIVE STAGE OF ISLAMIC CIVILIZATION


In his Risala and lectures, al-Hasan emphasized the idea that evil actions like disbelief, disobedience or predestination or other prohibited must not be ascribed to Allah in the name of predestination or Qadar. But the Umayyads forstered the idea of predestination and determininatic out-look with a view to covering up their evil actions. The situation, therfore, demanded and extraordinarily couragous soul and a vastly learned scholar like al-Hasan to challenge the idea as it is blatantly incompatible with the notion of the justice of ‘Allah. He considers it unthinkable that ‘Allah should be related to any evil actions whatover, either by way of prederemining men’s evil actions or by punishing men for actions performed invloluntarity.

Al-Hasan insists in his Risala that man must have the “potency” to perform or not to perform his actions as he chooses, if ‘Allah is to be just in taking him to task. Al-Hasan proves his point by quoting verses interalia he quoted “Allah burdens no person with what is beyond his capacity47. It is the starting point of a debate carried through centuries on the question as to whether ‘Allah may or may not impose unfulfillable duties on man i.e. the commandments which he has imposed on man for which he has not given potency to men. In other words is it possible that ‘Allah should ask all men to believe in him and worship Him and at the same time predestine the vast majority of these people from the womb of their mothers to disbelieve? Consideration of this question constitutes the main theme of his Risala.

Al-Hasan’s idea of Qadar of ‘Allah and ‘Ikhtiyar of man were carried on with all its force to the end of the third century Hijri by his chief disciple Qatada and his associates. The name of Ma’bad al-Juhani, the alleged founder of Qadarite movement came to be associated with it much later48. We have already mentioned that this Ma’bad seems to have been an obscure person of his time. He holds not document cuously only in the late third century Hijri49.

It may be noted that here that al-Hasan’s debut on Qadarism, seems to have given rise to several streams of Qadariya thinking  ranging from absolute freedom of will to the concept of the Freedom of Choice between alternative courses of action. In this perspective Ma’bad upheld the extreme freewillism against al-Hasan al-Basri’s Freedom of Choice. The famous Ghylan Ibnk-Dimashqi who developed the Freewillist idea of Qadar further a follower of Ma’bad.

In contrast to Ma’bad al-Juhani, Wasil and ‘Amr b. ‘Ubayd were direct students of al-Hasan Wasil and Amr b. Ubayd were direct students of al-Hasan al-Basri and in conceiving the doctrine of Qadar, they had greater affinity to al-Hasan’s concept of the Freedom of Choice, though on a slightly different point concerning the exercise of Allah’s justice in relation to human freedom. Wasil differed with his teacher resulting his ouster from the circle of the latter disciples. Consequently he earned the title of Mu’tazila, the succeeded.

The Mu’tazilite movement headed by Wasil b. Ata b. Ata built upon first on al-Hasan’s idea of the Freedom of Choice, but gradually deviating from it bit by bit towards the extremist idea of the Freedom of will and finally resting their whole movement on the foundation of Freedom of human will equated  to the “Creation of human action” by man himself. Prof. Nyberg shows that these Mu’tazilities had to confront with foreign rationalized religious system specially with the manichees50 and it was because of this confrontation and consequently a defence of Islam that new system of Islamic polemic emerged. The adoption of such rational methods in analyzing the religious thought in logical terms was new.

However, the Mu’tazilites came forward to adopt the Qadarite principle of delegation of power and to discuss it in terms of their new logical system. The Mu’tazilites said that by virtue of ‘potencey’ given to him by ‘Allah’ man does or makes his own actions, i.e. is its agent. Some of the later Mu’tazilites expressed the same idea by the phrase “man creates   (Khalaqa) his actions” good or evil. The selection of his term Khalaqa  is however, unfortuanate as it exposed them to the charge of associating other gods with ‘Allah’. Any way, the Mu’tazilites discussed later on all the concepts of al-Hasan along with some other concepts of their own (as analysed in the seventh Chapter).

In recent years, it has become easier to consider these views of the individual Mu’tazilite thinker as many of the Mu’tazilite manuscripts have been recorded and edited. Besides the informations available in al-‘Ashari’s Maqalat al-Islamiyin, one valuable book on Mu’tazilism is al-Khayyat’s  al-Intisar wa’l-Radd’ala Ibn al-Rawandi This book has been edited by Prof. H.S. Nyberg in 1925 in Cairo. Sahib ‘Ibn  Abbad al-Taliqani’s Al-Ibana ‘An Madhhab ahl al-Adl has been edited by Mohammad Hasan al-Yasin in his Nafa’ is al-Makhtutat, Vol-1, pp.5-28 in Baghdad in 1952-53.Husain ‘Ali Mahfuz has edited al-Sahib Ibn Abbad’s Risala Fi’l-Hidaya wa’l Dalala in Tehran in 1955. Another important book edited in recent times is ‘Abd al-Jabbar’s Al-Mughni fi Abwab al-Tawhid wa’l-Adl, vol-VI,  pt.1. It has been edited by Ahmad Fu’ad al-Ahwani in Cairo in 1962.

Some of these sources show that early in the history of the Mu’tazilite, a group of them emerged whose in Allah’s Omni potence was foremost. They came to be known as “Ahl al-‘Ithbat” about whom prof. Watt has devoted a full chapter in his thesis.

The leading figures among the ‘Ahl al-Ithbat were Dirar ibn Amr and his disciple al-Husayn ibn Muhammad al-Najjar. Dirar ibn ‘Amr was disciple of Wasil ibn  ‘Ata’ who was the disciple of al-Hasan.

It may be recalled that al-Hasan in his Risala said that a man is responsible for his actions to the extent to which he “acquires” (Kasaba) it. He quoted the verses of the  Qur’an, “Laha ma Kasabat wa’alaiha mak’tasabat”. He lays strees on the extent of acquisition Kasb of actions and argues that the problem of man’s responsibility for his acts was enisaged for the first time by the epistle of al-Hasan and the theologians later on concerned themselves with voluntary actins in their discussion concerning ‘Ikhtisab52. In Wasil’s teaching, the idea of Kasb is traceable. Wasil learnt it from his teacher al-Hasan and Dirar consequently learnt it from Wasil 52(a). We would consider it in details in the eighth chapter).

Dirar advanced a step ahead of his predecessor in systematic philosophical thinking and taught that the human actions have two agents; Allah “creates” it and man “acquires” (Kasaba) it. Al-Najjar said that “Allah creates the action of men and men are the doers of them”. In the Qur’an and in the teachings of Dirar and al-Najjar Kasb means to act in a manner that stands to one’s credit or falls to one’s debit in Allah’s account.

Dirar says that Allah creates the actions of man; He brings it into being, but man performs it and is responsible for it. This assertion may be justly tatken to task for his actions only when he brings it into being, or “creates” it. Following his master Dirar, al-Najjar says that instinctively feels it to be their action. It implies that al-Najjar advocate the idea of “Choice” related to Kasb.

Al-Najjar’s disciple al-Ashari accepts his master’s idea of kasb but in his kitab al-Luma he went to the extent of denying use of the term, “Choice” of actions directly. He probably does so because the Arabic word for agent (fai’l) can mean not only “doer”. But aslos  “maker” and in this second sense it is a synonym of  “creator” while Muktasib is synonymous with “doer” only.  It does not mean that al-Ashari advocates predestination which denies the activity of an agent. Al-Ashari never denies the responsibility of human actions.  It is implied in his Kitab al-Ibana. But his discussion about the good and specially about the evil in the Luma. Has made it more clear that “a man has the chance to take initiative in the acquisition of actions” which make him “responsible” for the performance. This sense of ‘responsibility’ entails choice, which exists by implication in the taughts of al-Ashari. It gets strong support them al-Ashari explains in the Kitab al-Luma the difference between a compulsory action and a Kasb action by the fact that the human being “knows how to distinguish between the two states in himself and others by a compulsory knowledge which leaves no room for doubt53. Moreover, al-Ashari follows al-Hasan when the latter says that evil is not “commanded” by Allah. It means evil actions are committed by men by themselves. Al-Ashari agrees with it and says that Allah only decrees the “acts” of obedience” in the sense of “announcing” and “writing them down” or in other words “recording” them: but he decrees evil never in the sense of commanding them. It implies fairly the idea that performance of acts especially evil are left to men. (This would be considered in the eighth Chapter).

In recent years, al-Ash’ari’s manuscripts have been edited. One of the principal book Kitab Maqalat al-Islamiyyin wa’khtilaf al-Musallin has been edited by Helmut Ritter, (Wiesbaden, 1963). Besides Al-Ibana `an `Ususl al-Diyana edited in Cairo, 1348 H., al-`Ash’ ari’s most important work kitab al-Luma ‘fi’l Radd ‘ala Ahl al-Zygh wa’l-Bida was edited by R.J. McCarthy in his theology of al-Ash’ari, (Beirut, 1952-53).

Al-Baqillani is one great proponent of Ash’arism who realized the obscurtity of his master’s idea of choice and rectified it in his own works specially in Tamhid. According to al-Baqillani, a man is not compelled (mudtarr): on the contrary, he has the “Potency” to acquire (Kasaba) actions by dint of his “choice” which he makes freely. In his arguments it is also noticeable that “potency” and intention as essential elements are connected with “Kasb”. But Baquillant also carefully juxtaposes  ‘Iktiyar with ‘Iktisab and hence the association of Iktiyar with Iktisab as two antonyms compulsion is easily comprehensible in his thoughts. Along with this it is also clear that his insistance on ‘Ikhtiyar for the Kasb action serves as a logical justification to the fact that man is made responsible for his acquisition  and so liable for reward and punishment.

So Baqillani is clear in respect of his idea of choice and acquisition. One is not now required to ferret out the idea of choice as is required in al-Ash’aris “Synergism”. On the other hand, Baqillani’s idea of ‘Ikhtiyar corresponds to some extent to what the sage al-Hasan’s idea that evil is not commanded by ‘Allah. But Baqillani says that evil actions are decreed in the sense that ‘Allah “creates” them, “announces” them and records them, but never predestines them for man.

Al-Baqillani explains all these ideas in his Kitab al-Tamhid edited by R.J. McCarthy, Beirut, 1957. Another source of al-Baqillani’s views is Al-Insaf, edited by Muhammad Zahid al-Kawthari, Cairo, 1963.

Al-Maturidi, a contemporary of al-Ash’ari accepted the doctrine of Kasb alongwith’ Ikhtiyar for human actions. He says that the potency give by Allah to man by which he performs the sinful act is essentially able to effect the act of obedience. Such idea of potency of al-Maturidi corresponds to that of al-Hasan. He says  that a man is free to choose between alternative courses of action which he performs by dint of his potency. He further says that the denial of the choice and potency of man for  “acquisition of action” of actions good or evil and is liable to blame or punishment for sins committed by men; but on the day of judgment. He will punish them for his own actions. Al-Maturidi says  that this is quite absured.

So al-Maturidi directly advocates the idea of the Freedom of  Choice and the potency of man. Al-Maturidi’s idea is far more clear than al-Ash’ari. Al-Baqillani’s views in this regard is nearer to al-Maturidi as the former tries to remove the complexity that inheres in his teacher in this regard. Al-Maturidi explains view like the above in his kitab al-Tawhid recently edited by Fathalla Kholeif.

We have dedicated ninteth chapter to analyse  the concept of  al-Ghazali, the great teacher after al-Hasan. In his al-Iqtisad fi’l I’tiqad, Al-Ghazali expresses his philosophy of action of Allah. Al-Ghazali emphasizes the fact that Allah is the creator of human actions or motions. But it does not prevent these motions from being in man’s potency as “acquisitions”. The motion on the one hand is an attribute of Allah; but it has a relation to another attribute, namely “human potency”. It is simply because of this relation that it is called “acqusition”.

Acquisitioin as related with human potency, also implies the idea that such human potency is exercised by an agent who has his own reason to choose between the alternatives. Ghazali says that the will is produced by knowledge in the fi’l al-Ikhtiyari. The will produced by deliberation to execute that which reason has accepted as ‘good’ constitutes ‘Ikhtiyar”. The term ‘Ikhtiyar means the choice of an idea or an object appearing good to reason. It follows that a decision is made by the intellect i,e. when it accepts anything as good, one likes to act accordingly . Negatively this assertion implies that when one chooses good, he then rejects evil.

Al-Ghazali’s above idea of “choice”, leads to another important notion namely the notion of “good” and “evil”. If it is up to the reason of a man to accept something as good, it is also upto his reason to reject something as evil. It implies a different idea about “good and evil” which al-Ghazali terms as “relative”. But this relative idea of good and evil also entails the idea of ‘choice’ (by a kind of synergism”). In due course in our discussion it will be observed that al-Ghazali follow al-Hasan and develops his idea in a subtle manner.

Al-Ghazali’s thoughts over all these are mainly expressed in his philosophical work Al-Iqtisad fi’l I’tiqad edited by Ibrahim Agha Cubuku and Husein Atay, Ankara, 1962. Another important source is al-Ghazali’s Ihya Ulum al-Din in which the short “Creed written in Jerusalem” is incorporated.


Conclusion

From this considerably thorough introduction to the problem under study, it would be relevant to consider some  very important points on which also our choice of al-Hasan for the present study depents.

Our study would reveal that al-Hasan in the very early days of Islam formulated for the first time a systematic idea on  Qadar  (Potency) and the Freedom of choice  on the basis of the scattered verses of the Qur’an. Al-Hasan bases himself also on the Sunnah of the Prophet. So it becomes established here that the Qadar ideology and the idea of choice (Ikhtiyar) is a direct outcome of the deed of the Prophet Muhammad (s) and the guidance of the Qur’an  and hence precludes any  possibilities  of “foreign influence”.

Al-Hasan’s Risala brought to light a special type of pietistic attitude from which stemped the  first Qadarite movement prompted by qatada, the chief disciple of al-Hasan and his associates. Thus again al-Hasan was fathering it, as he did in case of Ma’bad and Wasil.

It is clear that the idea of the Freedom of choice that al-Hasan adumbrated was carried on by the subsequent thinkers through different channels and was continued to exist till the 11th century A.D.

The uniqueness of al-Hasan’s thought lies also in his excellent method of juxtaposing Qada with Qadar and identifying Amr with Qada and Qadar. Never before him an attempt was made to do so. By juxtaposing Qada with Qadar and identifying Amr with destination’ is a  figment of the brain and an absurd concept besides the pale of Islam in the true sense of the term.

These conclusions are drawn by us on the basis of an analytical study of available facts on the crucible of historical methodology. It leads us to the assertion that the “omnipotence of Allah” does not contradict with the idea of the “Freedom of Choice” which effectively dismisses “predestination” form the teachings of the Qur’an and the Sunnah, This realization of al-Hasan expels the remotest possibility of attaching predestination to Qadar (potency); he thus paved the ground and formulated for the  first time, the idea of the Freedom of Choice systematically that helped and inspired further study and development in later times. He may, therefore be called the “Initiator” or “Originator” of the doctrine of Qadar and the Freedom of Choice in the perspective of the intellectual history of Islam.


Reference:

1.      W. Thomson, “The Conception of Human Destiny in Islam”. The Muslim World. Vol.-35, 1945, p.281.
2.      Al-Qur’an SV… 33: 39-40.
3.      Al-Qur’an, 33:84-86.
4.      Al-Qur’an, 14:3.
5.      The term “ potency” for Qudra. Has been explained in detail in the Second Chapter.
6.      Al-Qur’an, 21: 16-17.
7.      Al-Qur’an SV. 15:85.
8.      Al-Qur’an SV. 30:7.
9.      Al-Qur’an, SV. 18:16.
10.  Al-Qur’an, SV. 45: 2-5.
11.   Al-Qur’an, 38: 26-27.
12.  Al-Qur’an 53:34-42.
13.  Al-Qur’an, 29:5.
14.  Al-Qur’an, 42: 19.
15.  Al-Qur’an, 90: 10-20.
16.  W.Thomson, Op. Cit, p. 288-289.
17.  M.S. Scale, Muslim Theology, Luzac & Co., Ltd, London, 1964, pp.38-41.
18.  M.A. Rouf, “The Qur’an and Free will”, The Muslim World, Vol.20, 1970, No.4, p.290.
     cf. w.m. Watt, Formative Period of Islamic Thought, Edinburgh, 1973,   
      pp.83-84.
19.  Al-Hasan al-Basri, The Risala, ed. H. Ritte, Der Islam, 1933, vol.21, pp. 67-82
20.  Al-Hasan al-Basri, Op. cit. p.73.
21.  Ibn Khalliqan, Wafayat al-Ayan, ed. S. Moinul Huq, Pakistan Historical Society, Karachi, 1976, Vol-III, p.166.
22.  Ibn Murtada, Tabaqat al-Mu’tazila, ed. S.Wildzer, Weisbaden, 1961, p. 18, See Foot-note.
23.  Ibn Khaliqan, Op. cit, p.167.
24.  Dr. Shawqi Daif, Al-Ashar al-Islami, Dar Ma’rif, Cairo, 1119, p. 445.
25.   Ibid, p. 445.Cf. Al-Khazraji, Tadhhib al-Kamil, p. 432.
26.  Helmut Ritter, “Studien Zur Geschichte Der Islamichen Frommiggkeit” Der Islam, Vol.21, p.30, fn.
27.  Ibn Murtada, Tabaqat al-Mu’tazila, ed. S.Wildzer,
28.  W.M.Watt, Formative Period of Islamic Thought, Edinburgh, 1973. P.78.
29.  Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.1, p.1085.
30.  Ibid, p.1085.
31.  Ibid, P.1086.
32.  Ibid, P. 1086.
33.  Ibn Qutaiba, Kitab al-Ma’rif, P.225; cf, Watt, Op.Cit, pp.99-100. *Originality God.
33(a). M.A. Rouf, Op. Cit, P.290.
34.  Ignaz Goldziher, Muhammedanich Studien, translated by S.M. Stern,  
     Muslim Studies, Vol.2, p.21.
35.  W.M. Watt, op,cit, p.83.
36.  H.H. Shaeder, “Hasan al-Basri….”, Der Islam, Vol.14, 1925, p.49.
37.  W.M. Watt, Op.cit, p.78.
38.  H.H.Shaeder, Op. cit, p.59, fn. 3/37. Cf,(1) Watt, Op.cit,p.78.(II)Dairatul Ma’rif, Islamiyya University of Punjab, Lahore, 1973 Vol. 8, pp.263-65.
39.  Watt, Op.cit, p.78. cf. Ibn Khalliqan, Wafayat al-Ayan, ed. S.M. Huq, Vol.II, p.168.
40.   Ibn Khalliqan, Op.cit, p.169.
41.  Dhahabi, Tadhkiratul Huffaz, ed. Hyderabad, Vol.1,pp.66-67.
42.  Dr. Shawqi Daif, Al-Asr al-Islami, Dar Ma’rif, Cairo, 1119, p.446.
43.  P.K. Hitti, History of the Arabs, Macmillan, London, 1968,p.242.
44.   W.M. Watt, Formative Period of Islamic Thought, Edinburgh, 1973, pl.87.
45.  Fuad Sasgin, Tarikh al-Turath al-Arabi, ed. Dr. Sa’id Abd’al-Rahim, 1983,p.9.
46.  Ibid, p.11-12.
46(a). An Arabic Manuscript describing al-Hasan’s idea about pilgrimage is available to us.
47.  Al-Quran, Sv. 182; 6.
48.  Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol.4, p.371.
49.  Ibid, p.371.
50.  Al-Khayyat, Kitab al-Intisar, ed. H.S. Nyberg. P. 133.
51.  W.M. Watt, Freedom of Will and Predestination in Early Islam, London, 1948, pp.104-113.
52.  J.Schacht, “New Sources for the History of Mohammedan Theology”. Studia Islamica, Vol.1, 1953, p.30.
52(a). Wasil used the term ‘kasb’ while expressing the idea of responsibility.  
     Dirar, the disciple of Wasil and an early Mutazili learnt and used it later on.
53.  Al-Ash’ari, Kitab al-Luma, par.92.
54.  Al-Ghazali, Ihya Ulum al-Din, Vol.1, p.98, I.18/19;cf, Al-Ghzali, Al-Iqtisad fi’l I’tiqad, pp.91-92

[Dr. Md. Bodiur Rahman
Prof. of Philosophy [Ex]
Chittagong University, Bangladesh]

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